COMPANION TO CANTO XIII

“Plato’s Republic notwithstanding, the greek philosophers did not feel communal responsibilities vide infra. The sense of coordination, of the individual in a milieu is not in them.

Any more than there is a sense of social order in the teachings of the irresponsible protagonist of the New Testament. The Anschauung of an individual of, or among, a dominated race, however admirable from some aspects, is not the Anschauung of man who has held responsible office.

Rome was the responsible ruler. The concentration and emphasis on eternity is not social. The sense of responsibility the need for coordination of individuals expressed in Kung’s teaching differs radically both from early Christian absolutism and from the maritime adventure morals of Odysseus or the loose talk of argumentative greeks.”

Ezra Pound. Guide to Kulchur 38.

CITATION FORMATS

Annotations in the List of Works Cited:

Contributor name. The Online Companion to The Cantos of Ezra Pound, IV: n.gloss number. The Cantos Project. Web. Date of access.

Example: Preda, Roxana. The Online Companion to The Cantos of Ezra Pound, IV: n.13. The Cantos Project. Web. 5 September 2016.

In–text references

(Contributor name, OCCEP IV: n.no).

Example: (Bressan, OCCEP IV: n.3). If no name is indicated, the gloss or translation was written by Roxana Preda. In this case, the citation will have this format: (OCCEP IV: n.13).

References to The Cantos

As The Cantos Project is numbering the lines of The Cantos, references to cantos already glossed will be by canto number and line(s), as standard with classical works. Example: III: ll.7–17.

For cantos that are not yet glossed within the project, the references will be by canto number slash page number, as standard in the research on the poem. Example: III/12. The page number refers to the American edition of The Cantos by Ezra Pound. New York: New Directions, 1998. 

© Roxana Preda. Companion to Canto XIII, 16 April 2017.

Updated 23 October 2025.

Updated 18 December 2025

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Romanization of Chinese names

Pound followed the romanization of names and Chinese terms provided by his sources (Cheadle 7), whereas newer research on both Confucian works and Pound’s translations has followed the pinyin system (Cheadle, Lan, Chin). The Cantos Project will therefore follow the practice of including the Chinese word first in the romanization Pound used, and then in pinyin, in square brackets. For canto XIII, Pound uses the French romanization which he found in his source: Doctrine de Confucius: Les Quatre livres de philosophie morale et politique de la Chine. Traduite par M. G. Pauthier. Paris 1814. Pdf.

The information about Confucius’ disciples is taken from Annping Chin’s Appendix and Commentary to her translation of The Analects (Penguin 2014) and Robert Eno’s online translation of The Analects.

1. Kung walked – Kong Qiu (551-479), L. Confucius - Chinese philosopher, also referred to as Kong Fu-Tzu (Master Kong). In this four-line preamble, Pound shows Kung’s teaching method to be similar to that of the Greek philosophers also called the Peripatetics, from Socrates to Aristotle: dialogues with students while walking. Pound would later develop the comparison in Guide to Kulchur, which he starts with Confucius’ Analects and ends with Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.

   Traditionally, it is assumed that Kong did not converse with his students while walking, but taught in an apricot orchard, or under an apricot tree, now commemorated by a pavilion in the Confucius Temple in Qufu. See also the end of the canto implicitly comparing his teachings with the blossoms of the apricot.
   
   The current editions place the scene in Analects 11.26: See the full text below, followed by James Legge's translation.
   子路、曾皙、冉有、公西華侍坐。子曰：「以吾一日長乎爾，毋吾以也。居則曰：「不吾知也！』如或知爾，則何以哉？」子路率爾而對曰：「千乘之國，攝乎大國之間，加之以師旅，因之以饑饉；由也為之，比及三年，可使有勇，且知方也。」夫子哂之。「求！爾何如？」對曰：「方六七十，如五六十，求也為之，比及三年，可使足民。如其禮樂，以俟君子。」「赤！爾何如？」對曰：「非曰能之，願學焉。宗廟之事，如會同，端章甫，願為小相焉。」「點！爾何如？」鼓瑟希，鏗爾，舍瑟而作。對曰：「異乎三子者之撰。」子曰：「何傷乎？亦各言其志也。」曰：「莫春者，春服既成。冠者五六人，童子六七人，浴乎沂，風乎舞雩，詠而歸。」夫子喟然歎曰：「吾與點也！」三子者出，曾皙後。曾皙曰：「夫三子者之言何如？」子曰：「亦各言其志也已矣。」曰：「夫子何哂由也？」曰：「為國以禮，其言不讓，是故哂之。」「唯求則非邦也與？」「安見方六七十如五六十而非邦也者？」「唯赤則非邦也與？」「宗廟會同，非諸侯而何？赤也為之小，孰能為之大？」
   Zi Lu, Zeng Xi, Ran You, and Gong Xi Hua were sitting by the Master. He said to them, "Though I am a day or so older than you, do not think of that. From day to day you are saying, 'We are not known.' If some ruler were to know you, what would you like to do?" Zi Lu hastily and lightly replied, "Suppose the case of a state of ten thousand chariots; let it be straitened between other large states; let it be suffering from invading armies; and to this let there be added a famine in corn and in all vegetables - if I were intrusted with the government of it, in three years' time I could make the people to be bold, and to recognize the rules of righteous conduct." The Master smiled at him. Turning to Ran You, he said, "Qiu, what are your wishes?" Qiu replied, "Suppose a state of sixty or seventy li square, or one of fifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it - in three years' time, I could make plenty to abound among the people. As to teaching them the principles of propriety, and music, I must wait for the rise of a superior man to do that." "What are your wishes, Chi," said the Master next to Gong Xi Hua. Chi replied, "I do not say that my ability extends to these things, but I should wish to learn them. At the services of the ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the princes with the sovereign, I should like, dressed in the dark square-made robe and the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant." Last of all, the Master asked Zeng Xi, "Dian, what are your wishes?" Dian, pausing as he was playing on his lute, while it was yet twanging, laid the instrument aside, and said, "My wishes are different from the cherished purposes of these three gentlemen." Said the Master, "What harm is there in that? Do you also, as well as they, speak out your wishes." Dian then said, "In this, the last month of spring, with the dress of the season all complete, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the Yi, enjoy the breeze among the rain altars, and return home singing." The Master heaved a sigh and said, "I give my approval to Dian." The three others having gone out, Zeng Xi remained behind, and said, "What do you think of the words of these three friends?" The Master replied, "They simply told each one his wishes." Xi pursued, "Master, why did you smile at You?" He was answered, "The management of a state demands the rules of propriety. His words were not humble; therefore I smiled at him." Xi again said, "But was it not a state which Qiu proposed for himself?" The reply was, "Yes; did you ever see a territory of sixty or seventy li or one of fifty or sixty, which was not a state?" Once more, Xi inquired, "And was it not a state which Chi proposed for himself?" The Master again replied, "Yes; who but princes have to do with ancestral temples, and with audiences but the sovereign? If Chi were to be a small assistant in these services, who could be a great one?"

2. Khieu, Tchi and Tian – three of Kong’s disciples. Their names are a source of uncertainty about what exactly is happening in the scene Pound presents. Pound does not mention a fourth disciple, Zilu [Tseu-lou]; then he introduces a mysterious “Thseng-sie” in line 27, making it unclear for the reader how many disciples were actually present. There seem to be four answers to five disciples, or at least one disciple who gives no answer.

   Kong’s disciples had at least two names: one personal name, made up of the family and first name; and a “courtesy” name, given at puberty and used in formal settings (Eno viii). Kong addresses his disciples by their first names: as their teacher, he has a paternal relationship to them. However, since The Analects were written by the disciples themselves after their teacher’s death, they use both the first and the courtesy name of a person, often in the same paragraph.

   When Pauthier writes: “Tseu-lou, Tseng-sie, Yan-yeou, Kong-si-hoa, étaient assis aux côtés du Philosophe,” he uses the courtesy names for every disciple and Pound in his "Mr Villerant's morning Outburst" (1918) translated faithfully: “Tseu-lou, Thseng-sie, Yan-yeou, and Kong-si-hoa were seated beside the Philosopher” (V 222). However, Pound assigned the answers to the names incorrectly, since he assumed they were given in the same order. He did not know who Thseng-Sie was, commenting: “presumably the Rodyheaver, or potential Xtn convert of the company” (V 222). This might be the reason why in the canto, Pound cuts Pauthier’s introduction, sticking with the safe terrain of "Khieu," "Tchi" and "Tian" and letting “Thseng-sie” appear mysteriously after the answers had been given. “Thseng-Sie” is Tian’s courtesy name.

3. we are unknown – [Zh. 不吾知也], Analects 11.26. Though Pound scholarship has viewed this canto as an early corner of paradise in the poem, it is important to point out that happiness is not what Confucius feels. Rather, the interaction with his students is the only relief from a life of frustrated idealism and thwarted ambition. Confucius lives in the so-called Spring and Autumn period, a far cry from the order of the Western Zhou [Chou] dynasty, whose values he is trying to keep alive. He feels that his knowledge and skills are neglected and overlooked – the meaning of his life, as he perceives it, is to put his moral ideas to political use. The question he puts to his students expresses his own dream of a life where he would be in a position to change the world, a fulfilment that would elude him until death.

   “Demeurant à l’écart et dans l’isolement, alors vous dites: Nous ne sommes pas connus. Si quelq'un vous connaissait, alors que feriez-vous?” (Entretiens 11.25; Pauthier 140) 
   [“we sit apart and in solitude, we are unrecognized, but if someone should recognize you, what would you do about it?” (V 222)].

4. “Or perhaps I should take up charioteering, or archery?  – charioteering and archery were two of the six arts forming the curriculum of the Chinese gentleman in Confucius’ time. The other four disciplines were the rites, music, calligraphy, and mathematics.
   Pound interpolates here a passage from Analects 9.2 :
   Zh. 達巷黨人曰：「大哉孔子！博學而無所成名。」子聞之，謂門弟子曰：「吾何執？執御乎？執射乎？吾執御矣。」

   Un homme du village de Ta-hiang dit: "Que KHOUNG-TSEU est grand! cependant ce n’est pas son vaste savoir qui a fait sa renommée." Le Philosophe ayant entendu ces paroles, interpella ses disciples en leur disant: "Que dois-je entreprendre de faire? Prendrai-je l’état de voiturier? ou apprendrai je celui d’archer? Je serai voiturier." (Entretiens 9.2; Pauthier 121).
   [“A man from the village of Ta-hiang said: ‘How great is Confucius! But it is not his vast knowledge that has made his reputation.’ Having heard these words, the philosopher interpellated his disciples by saying to them: ‘What am I supposed to do? Take up charioteering? Or learn to be an archer? I’ll be a charioteer.” ]

   Charioteering was considered the humblest of the six gentlemanly arts (Chin 130). 

5. “Or the practice of public speaking?”  – detail introduced by Pound to bring a Western dimension to the canto: athletics and public speeches were ways in which a man could become a celebrity in the ancient Greek and Roman worlds.

6. Tseu-lou – [Zilu], courtesy name of Zhong Yóu. The fourth disciple, whom Pound does not mention with the others, is the first to respond to Kung’s question. Though Tseu-Lou is not the disciple Kung admires most, he appears the most often in The Analects (Chin 354).

   “You, or Zilu was a disciple and political ally of Confucius before the latter was forced to leave Lu. Only nine years younger than his teacher, Zilu was known for his bravery and loyalty. But he was also quick to take offense and quick to act” (Chin 20).

7. "I would put the defences in order" – A loose reference to Zilu’s aim: (Zh. 可使有勇，且知方也, "become courageous and know the right way"). This is Pound’s creative interpretation, based on other appearances of this disciple in The Analects, particularly in 5.8. Here, Pound is interested in giving Zilu a definite character, that of a military strategist.
   Pauthier’s text is more vague as to Zilu’s solutions for a kingdom; in the canto, Pound also departs from his own earlier prose translation given below:
   Zh. [子路率爾而對曰：]「千乘之國，攝乎大國之間，加之以師旅，因之以饑饉；由也為之，比及三年，可使有勇，且知方也。
   “Supposé un royaume de dix mille chars de guerre, pressé entre d’autres grands royaumes, ajoutez même par des armées nombreuses, et avec cela il souffre de la disette et de la famine; que Yeou (Tseu-lou) soit préposé à son administration, en moins de trois années je pourrais faire en sorte que le peuple de ce royaume reprît un courage viril, et qu’il connût sa condition” (Entretiens 11.25, Pauthier 140-41).
   [“Let us imagine a kingdom of ten thousand war-chariots, stuffed in between other kingdoms, add great armies, let the first kingdom suffer death and famine should your friend (Little Tseu-lou) be set in power, he would put things right in less than three years, the people would put on their courage” (V 222)]. 

8. Khieu – [personal name: Ran You, courtesy name: Ran Qiu]. In the same vein, Pound pinpoints Khieu as the administrator, by condensing and focusing his answer. See also Analects 5.8 for Confucius’ trust in Khieu’s administrative capabilities.

9. And Khieu said, “If I were lord of a province / I would put it in better order than this is.”
   Zh. 方六七十，如五六十，求也為之，比及三年，可使足民.  Analects 11.26.
   “Supposé une province de soixante ou de soixante-dix li d’étendue, ou même de cinquante ou de soixante li, et que Khieou soit préposé à son administration, en moins de trois ans je pourrais faire en sorte que le peuple eût le suffisant. Quant aux rites et à la musique, j’en confierais l’enseignement à un homme supérieur” (Entretiens 11.25; P 141).
   [“Let us imagine a province of sixty or seventy li or even of fifty to sixty li, put me in charge of it and in less than three years the people will have enough, and I will put the instruction in rites and in music in charge of an exceptional man”] (V 222). 

10. Tchi – [Gongxi Qi; courtesy name Gongxi Hua]. Though in Analects 5.8, "Tchi" appears as the ideal religious bureaucrat in charge of court rituals, Pound shows him here rather as a hermit and a monk.   

11. Tchi said: “I would prefer a small mountain temple, / With order in the observances, / with a suitable performance of the ritual”
    Zh. 非曰能之，願學焉。宗廟之事，如會同，端章甫，願為小相焉.  Analects 11.26.
    “Je ne dirai pas que je puis faire ces choses; je désire étudier. Lorsque se font les cérémonies du temple des ancêtres, et qu’ont lieu de grandes assemblées publiques, revêtu de ma robe d’azur et des autres vêtements propres à un tel lieu et à de telles cérémonies, je voudrais y prendre part en qualité d’humble fonctionnaire (Entretiens 11.25; P 141).
    [“I should much rather study. I should be happy in wearing the cobalt robes of an acolyte in the great ceremonies at the Temple of Ancestors, or in the public processions” (V 222)].
12. Tian – [Zeng Dian; courtesy name, Zeng Xi] (546-?), is the dreamer and musician: Pound outlines here a portrait of the artist.

13. And Tian said, with his hand on the strings of his lute / The low sounds continuing / after his hand left the strings, / And the sound went up like smoke, under the leaves, / And he looked after the sound: / “The old swimming hole, / And the boys flopping off the planks, / Or sitting in the underbrush playing mandolins.”
    
    Zh. 鼓瑟希，鏗爾，舍瑟而作 [...] 莫春者，春服既成。冠者五六人，童子六七人，浴乎沂，風乎舞雩，詠而歸. Analects 11.26.
    
    The poet condenses Dian’s answer, departing significanly from his earlier literal translation: 
    “Le printemps n’étant plus, ma robe de printemps mise de côté, mais coiffé du bonnet de virilité, accompagné de cinq ou six hommes, et de six ou sept jeunes gens, j’aimerais à aller me baigner dans les eaux de l’Y, à aller prendre le frais dans ces lieux touffus où l’on offre les sacrifices au ciel pour demander la pluie, moduler quelques airs, et retourner ensuite à ma demeure” (Entretiens 11.25; P 141).
    
    [“The spring being passed over and my spring clothes put in the chest, and wearing the bonnet de virilité* with five or six men and a half dozen young chaps, I should like to go to the old swimming hole on the Y (near Kou village), and feel the wind in that country where they offer rain-sacrifice in the summer; and sing a little, and make a few tunes, and then go back to my homestead” (V 223)].

14. smiled upon all of them equally – In the original text, when Confucius hears Dian’s answer, he sighs and says he agrees with him [Zh. 夫子喟然歎曰：吾與點也！]. In saying that Master Kong accepts all the students’ answers equally, Pound departs from The Analects, in keeping with his ideas expressed in “Provincialism the Enemy” (1917), where he emphasized the respect that Confucius had for the students’ individuality and diversity. It also illustrates Pound’s own placing of the arts as equally important to society as government and spirituality. Provincialism.
15. Thseng–Sie – [Zeng Xi] Dian’s courtesy name, see n.2. Dian is important not only because of his answer in this instance, but also because he is the father of Zenzi ("Thseng-tseu," Pauthier 140n.2). Zengzi (505-435 BC), was the first editor of the Daxue [The Great Learning, or in Pound's own later translation, The Great Digest] and wrote a commentary to it. He was the tutor of Confucius' grandson, Kong Ji [Zisi], who in turn was the teacher of Mencius. Dian is a key disciple ensuring the integration of the Analects and the Daxue within the same corpus of coherent teachings as well as the transmission of Kong’s ideas to posterity.
16. each in his nature – Pound’s Emersonian spin on Confucius’ statement as translated by Pauthier:
    Zh. 子曰: 亦各言其志也已矣. Analects 11.26.
    “Le Philosophe dit: chacun a exprimé son opinion; et voilà tout” (Entretiens 11.25; P 142).
    Pound shifted from “opinion” to “temperament” in his prose version:
    [“Each one has expressed his own temperament. That is the end of the matter” (V 223)].
    This shift from "opinion" to "nature" might be considered the transition from the Analects to the Daxue excerpt further below, where the discovery and disciplining of one’s nature is paramount.

17. And Kung raised his cane against Yuan Jang, / Yuan Jang being his elder,/ For Yuan Jang sat by the roadside pretending to / be receiving wisdom. / And Kung said / “You old fool, come out of it, / Get up and do something useful.” – In these lines, Pound conflates The Analects 14.43, which introduces Yuan Jang, and 9.23, with which 14.43 has a few elements in common, namely Confucius’s respect for a child’s faculties and contempt for the adult who fails to develop them. Pound introduces the vivid pragmatic injunction: “Get up and do something useful.”

    Zh. 原壤夷俟。子曰：「幼而不孫弟，長而無述焉，老而不死，是為賊！」以杖叩其脛。(Analects 14.43)
    “Youan-jang (un ancien ami du Philosophe), plus âgé que lui, était assis sur le chemin les jambes croisées. Le Philosophe lui dit: ‘Etant enfant, n'avoir pas eu de déférence fraternelle; dans l'âge mûr, n'avoir rien fait de louable; parvenu à la vieillesse, ne pas mourir: c'est être un vaurien.’ Et il frappa les jambes avec son baton (pour le faire lever)” (Entretiens 14.46; Pauthier 169).
    [“Yuan Rang, (an old friend of the philosopher), who was older than he, sat cross-legged in the road. The Master said to him, ‘As a child not to have fraternal deference; as an adult not to have done anything praiseworthy; as an old man not to die: this is what I call worthless.’ He then rapped Yuan Rang’s legs with his stick (to make his stand up)”] (Analects 14.43).
18. respect a child’s faculties – By quoting Confucius here, Pound suggests that the person worthy of respect is not an elder, or a person of authority and power, but rather someone whose nature is uncorrupted, who does something useful, and stands firm in the middle (Cheadle 21-22).
    Zh. 子曰：「後生可畏，焉知來者之不如今也？四十、五十而無聞焉，斯亦不足畏也已。」(Analects 9.23)
    “Le Philosophe dit: ‘Dès l'instant qu’un enfant est né, il faut respecter ses facultés; la science qui lui viendra par la suite, ne ressemble en rien à son état présent. S’il arrive à l'âge de quarante ou de cinquante ans sans avoir rien appris, il n’est plus digne d’aucun respect’” (Entretiens 9.22; Pauthier 125).
    [“The Master said: ‘From the time a child is born, we must respect his faculties; knowledge will come later, and will look like nothing as in the present state. If he arrives at the age of forty of fifty without having learned anything, he will not be worthy of any respect’”] (Analects 9.23).

19. “When the prince has gathered about him / All the savants and artists, his riches will be fully employed.” – this comment loosely referring to a passage from Zhongyong [“Doctrine of the Mean” or in Pound's later translation The Unwobbling Pivot], rhymes with Malatesta’s patronage of humanists, architects, and painters at his court (Kenner 446).

    Zh. 來百工則財用足 (in Zhongyong 21)
    “dès l'instant qu'il aura attiré près de lui tous les savants et les artistes, aussitôt ses richesses seront suffisamment mises en usage” (Tchoung Young 20.12; P 51).
    Pound reformulated the passage in his late translation of Zhongyong: “attracting the artisans of the hundred trades will mean that the empire’s raw materials will be utilized continually and efficiently” (Con The Unwobbling Pivot 21.13, 159).

20. If a man have not order within him / He can not spread order about him; / And if a man have not order within him / His family will not act with due order; / And if the prince have not order within him / He can not put order in his dominions – Inspired by the Daxue 1. 2 ( TH 1.4-5; Con The Great Digest 1.4, 29-30). 

    古之欲明明德於天下者，先治其國；欲治其國者，先齊其家；欲齊其家者，先修其身；欲修其身者，先正其心；欲正其心者，先誠其意；欲誠其意者，先致其知，致知在格物。物格而後知至，知至而後意誠，意誠而後心正，心正而後身修，身修而後家齊，家齊而後國治，國治而後天下平。[自天子以至於庶人，壹是皆以修身為本。其本亂而末治者否矣，其所厚者薄，而其所薄者厚，未之有也！此謂知本，此謂知之至也.] (Daxue 2).
    
    Zhaoming Qian has pointed out that Pound uses the word “order” six times compared to his source which uses the word only twice (Modernist Response 61). The classic source uses analogous expressions which Pauthier translated as “corriger,” “diriger,” or “gouverner,” and which Pound adopts in his prose translation Ta Hio [1928]. By contrast, through overusing the term “order” in the canto, Pound emphasizes its importance both for Confucius’ moral and political system and his own beliefs. In his draft of the canto, Pound adds a reference to Machiavelli's Prince in the margin.
    
    “I.4 Les anciens princes qui désiraient développer et remettre en lumière, dans leurs Etats, le principe lumineux de la raison que nous recevons du ciel, s'attachaient auparavant à bien gouverner leurs royaumes; ceux qui désiraient bien gouverner leurs royaumes, s’attachaient auparavant à mettre le bon ordre dans leurs familles; ceux qui désiraient mettre le bon ordre dans leurs familles, s’attachaient auparavant à se corriger eux-mêmes;
    I.5 [...] l'âme étant pénétrée de probité et de droiture, la personne est ensuite corrigée et améliorée; la personne étant corrigée et améliorée, la famille est ensuite bien dirigée; la famille étant bien dirigée, le royaume est ensuite bien gouverné.” (Le Ta Hio ou La Grande Étude 1.4; P 2-3)
    [“The ancient princes who wished to develop and make apparent, in their states, the luminous principle of reason which we receive from the sky, set themselves first to govern well their kingdoms; those who wished to govern their kingdoms well, began by keeping their own families in order; those who wished good order in their families, began by correcting themselves; those who wished to correct themselves tried first to attain rectitude of spirit; those who desired this rectitude of spirit, tried first to make their intentions pure and sincere; those who desired to render their intentions pure and sincere, attempted first to perfect their moral intelligence; the making as perfect as possible, that is the giving fullest scope to the moral intelligence (or the acquaintance with morals), consists in penetrating and getting to the bottom of the principles (motivations) of actions” [...]
    I.5 When one has penetrated and got to the bottom of the motives (or principles) of actions, the moral intelligence (or one's enlightenment in the matter of morals) arrives at its last state of perfection; and the moral intelligence having attained its last degree of perfection, one's intentions are rendered pure and sincere; one's intentions being simple and sincere, the soul is penetrated by probity and rightness; the soul suffused with probity and rectitude, the person is then corrected and ameliorated; the (person) manners being corrected and bettered, one's family is then well directed; the family being well directed, the kingdom is then well governed; the kingdom being well governed, the world enjoys peace and good harmony.TH 8.
    
    We may notice that in his later translation of the Daxue, Ta Hio (1928), Pound, on the model of Pauthier, splits Daxue 1.2 into several subchapters, numbering them I.4-7. In canto 13, he leaves out I.4, which delineates the external to internal movement, starting from governing the state, to ordering the family, to wishing to order oneself. He relies on "I.5," [Zh. 物格而後知至，知至而後意誠，意誠而後心正，心正而後身修，身修而後家齊，家齊而後國治，國治而後天下平] which starts from the individual's sincere introspection, back to ordering the family, and then the state on the basis of self-knowledge. Pound thus emphasizes individual introspection as the basis of order, stating that once sincere self-knowledge creates calm and order within oneself, it would translate into behaviour and irradiate outwards to family and state. 
    He declared in his note “Prolegomena” (1927): “The principle of good is enunciated by Confucius; it consists in establishing order within oneself. This order or harmony spreads by a sort of contagion without specific effort” (SP 216; P&P IV, 385). When T. S. Eliot asked in his review of Pound’s Personae: “What does Mr. Pound believe?” (Erkilla 169), Pound answered: “I believe the Ta Hio” [Daxue] (“Dateline” 1934 in LE) with specific reference to this passage.
    
21. brotherly deference – Key Confucian concept which Pound sees as a counterpoint to the Christian “love thy neighbour.” In “Prolegomena” he points out that the latter is noble, but gives no safeguards against intrusion into private affairs and fanaticism. “Deference” implies respect for the other’s private sphere (SP 216; P&P IV, 385).
    
    Zh. 孝弟也者，其為仁之本與！Analects 1.2.
    “La piété filiale, la déférence fraternelle, dont nous avons parlé, ne sont-elles pas le principe fondamental de l'humanité, ou de la bienveillance universelle pour les hommes?” (Entretiens 1.2; P 75).
    “The filial piety and the fraternal deference which we have talked about, aren’t they the fundamental principle of humanness, or of the universal benevolence towards mankind?” (Analects 1.2).
22. firm in the middle – “tchoung young” [pinyin; zhong yong]. Confucius’s remark in The Analects 6.29 about firmness in the middle [Zh. 中庸之為德也] was taken up and commented on by his grandson, Kong Ji, in a book bearing this title which was included in the canon of the four Confucian classics by Zhu Xi. The principle was variously translated as "Invariabilité dans le Milieu" (G. M. Pauthier), "Doctrine of the Mean" (Burton Watson), "The Constant Mean" (James Legge), or "The Middle Way" (A. Waley). Pound’s translation of zhongyong is “L’Asse che non vacilla” (Italian, 1944) and “The Unwobbling Pivot” (1947). See also lines 42-43 for a passage from the book.
    Zh. 子曰：「中庸之為德也，其至矣乎！民鮮久矣  Analects 6.29.
    “Le Philosophe dit: ‘L'invariabilité dans le milieu est ce qui constitue la vertu; n'en est-ce pas le faîte même? Les hommes rarement y persévèrent’” (Entretiens 6.27; P 108).
    [“The Master said, "Perfect is the virtue which is according to the Constant Mean! Rare for a long time has been its practice among the people.”] (Analects 6.29; Legge translation here.)
23. commit murder – Pound emphasizes Kung as a potential rebel against state authority by setting up personal and family loyalties above it. He also gives it an American nuance by saying “commit murder” as against a mere theft of a sheep.
    
    Zh. 葉公語孔子曰：「吾黨有直躬者，其父攘羊，而子證之。」孔子曰：「吾黨之直者異於是。父為子隱，子為父隱，直在其中矣。」Analects 13.18.
    
    “Ye-kong, s’entretenant avec KHOUNG-TSEU, dit: “Dans mon village, il y a un homme d’une droiture et d’une sincérité parfaites; son père ayant volé un mouton, le fils porta témoignage contre lui.”
    KHOUNG-TSEU dit: “Les hommes sincères et droits de mon lieu natal diffèrent beaucoup de celui-là: le père cache les fautes de son fils, le fils cache les fautes de son père. La droiture et la sincérité existent dans cette conduite” (Entretiens 13.18; P 156).
    [“In a conversation with Confucius Ye-Kong said: ‘In my village there is a man of perfect uprightness and sincerity; his father stole a sheep and the son bore witness against him.’
    Confucius said: ‘Sincere and upright men from my native land differ greatly from this man; the father hides the faults of his son, and the son hides the faults of his father. There is uprightness and sincerity in this behaviour’”] (Analects 13.18).
24. Kong-Tchang – [Gongye Chang], one of Confucius’ disciples. According to early sources, his particular gift was understanding the language of birds. From them, he got sensitive information that landed him in prison (Chin 58-59).
    
    Zh. 子謂公冶長，「可妻也。雖在縲絏之中，非其罪也」。以其子妻之. Analects 5.1
    “Le Philosophe dit que Kong-tchi-tchang (un de ses disciples) pouvait se marier, quoiqu’il fût dans les prisons, parce qu’il n'était pas criminel; et il se maria avec la fille du Philosophe” (Entretiens 5.1; Pauthier 96).
    [“The Master said of Kong-tchi-tchang (one of his disciples) that he could marry even though he was in prison, because he was not criminal; and he married the philosopher’s daughter”] (Analects 5.1).
25. Nan-Young – [Nan Rong], one of Confucius’s disciples. He also appears in Analects 11.6, where he is shown to recite Ode 256 about the white jade tablet: “A blemish in a white jade tablet/ Can be polished away; / A mistake in these words/ Can never be mended.” It is possible that Nan Young’s care for words made him suitable for civil service in a moral government and kept him safe from execution in an immoral one (Chin 59, 163-64).
    
    Zh. 子謂南容，「邦有道，不廢；邦無道，免於刑戮。」以其兄之子妻之  Analects 5.2
    
    “Le Philosophe dit à Nan-young (un de ses disciples) que, si le royaume était gouverné selon les principes de la droite raison, il ne serait pas repoussé des emplois publics; que si, au contraire, il n'était pas gouverné par les principes de la droite raison, il ne subirait aucun châtiment : et il le maria avec la fille de son frère aîné” (Entretiens 5.1; P 96).
    [“The Master said to Nan-young (one of his disciples) that if the kingdom were governed according to the principles of right reason, he would not be refused public employment; but if by contrast, it was not ruled by the principle of right reason, he would not be subjected to any punishment: he gave him the daughter of his older brother for a wife”] (Analects 5.2).
26. Wang ruled in moderation/ in his day, the State was well kept – possible reference to the reign of Wu Wang (King Wu, ?-1063 BC), the first king of the Zhou [Chou] dynasty. Wu Wang won the battle of Mou Ye against the previous dynasty, the corrupt Shang, in 1046 BC. He is referred to again in Canto LIII/267 and LXXXV/576. In 1923, Pound was unfamiliar with even the rudiments of Chinese language and may have thought that “Wang” is only a name. The word may indeed be used as a name, but it primarily means “king.” In his own translation of The Analects (Confucius, 1951), he corected the error.  
     
    Ζh. 子曰：「文、武之政，布在方策，其人存，則其政舉；其人亡，則其政息 Zhongyong 20.2.
    “Le Philosophe dit: ‘Les lois gouvernementales des rois Wen et Wou sont consignées tout entières sur les tablettes de bambou. Si leurs ministres existaient encore, alors leurs lois administratives seraient en vigueur; leurs ministres ont cessé d'être, et leurs principes pour bien gouverner ne sont plus suivis’” (Zhongyong 20.1-2; Pauthier 48).
    [“The philosopher said: ‘The government laws of the kings Wen and Wu are all written on bamboo tablets. If their ministers still existed, their administrative laws would still be valid; their ministers have ceased to exist, and their principles of good government are not followed anymore’”] (Con, Zhongyong 20.1-2).
27. blanks in their writings – leaving a blank for the things one does not know is a validation of Pound’s poetics of the historical fragment in the Cantos.
    
    Zh. 子曰：「吾猶及史之闕文也，有馬者借人乘之。今亡矣夫！Analects 15.26.
    “Le Philosophe dit: J’ai presque vu le jour où l’historien de l'empire laissait des lacunes dans ses récits (quand il n'était pas sûr des faits); où celui qui possédait un cheval, le prêtait aux autres pour le monter; maintenant ces moeurs sont perdues” (Entretiens 15.25; P 175).
    [“The philosopher said: ‘I am old enough to have seen the day when the historian of the empire left blanks in his story (when he was not sure of the facts); or when the man who had a horse lent it to others to mount it; now these customs are lost’”] (Analects 15.26).

28. Without character you will / be unable to play on that instrument / Or to execute the music fit for the Odes – This is Pound’s first translation of the fundamental Confucian principle of rén (“humaneness”). Pound thus assimilates it to his earlier terms, “virtú” and “nature.”
    Zh. 子曰。人而不仁、如禮何。人而不仁、如樂何 Analects 3.3

    “Le Philosophe dit: ‘Être homme, et ne pas pratiquer les vertus que comporte l'humanité, comment serait-ce se conformer aux rites? Être homme, et ne pas posséder les vertus que comportent l'humanité, comment jouerait-on dignement de la musique?’” (Entretiens 3.3; P 85)
    [“The master said: ‘Being human and yet not practising the virtues of humaneness, how can one conform to the rites? Being a man and not possessing the virtues of humaneness how can he play music with dignity?’”] (Analects 3.3;)

29. Odes – The Book of Odes [Shijing] contains the oldest collection of poetry in Chinese literature. The philosopher gave the odes great importance in the refinement of understanding and made them a pillar of education, in combination with the rites and music. As narrated in Analects 8.8, Confucius says “The Odes are to stimulate [our mind and spirit]. The rites are to steady us. Music is the final lesson” (Chin 121).
    
    Pound mentioned the Odes in his rendering of Analects 16.13 in Guide to Kulchur (1938; GK 232) and translated them at St. Elizabeths, publishing them under the title The Classic Anthology Defined by Confucius (1954). By 1923, when he finished the present canto, he already owned a Latin translation of the Odes made by Alexandre de Lacharme.

30. blossoms of the apricot – The blossoms of the apricot are Kung’s teachings which Pound is trying to keep moving from east to west and not let “fall to the ground” i.e. be forgotten. Kung is believed to have taught under an apricot tree, or in an apricot orchard. The place is now commemorated by The Apricot Pavilion erected in the courtyard in front of the Hall of Perfection in the Confucius Temple in Qufu (C n.32; Lan 3; Palandri 301; see also n.1).
    
    Cheadle pointed out that Pound may have obliquely referred to The Analects 19.22, where we find: “The way of King Wen and King Wu has not yet fallen to the ground. It exists in all human beings. The worthy ones have grasped its essential points” (Analects 19.22; Chin 319; Cheadle 22).